Comments on Mao's Poetry

"味"是我国古代美学中的一个重要范畴,古代诗论有滋味说、韵味说、真味说等观点,他们提倡从诗歌的本质和审美特征等方面来探讨"诗味"的根源.毛泽东一 再强调:诗要有"诗味",并根据自己的诗词创作实践,从诗歌创作规律这一新的角度,进行了新的独特的理论创造,丰富和发展了我国古代的"诗味"理论.

古代"毛诗"(<诗经>)开创了"比、兴"传统,当今"毛诗"(毛泽东诗词)继承发展了这一传统.毛泽东的诗论和诗词创作都足以说明:"诗要 用形象思维"、"比、兴两法是不能不用的".它体现了对诗歌本质的认识和对诗歌创作规律的把握,对诗歌鉴赏和诗歌创作以及今后中国诗歌民族化的发展方向都 有积极的意义.

毛泽东不仅是一位伟大的政治领袖,同时也是一位杰出的诗人.他的诗词艺术,既富有中华民族传统文化情趣,又具有独特甚至超神的词风诗格.毛泽东诗、词皆擅长,尤其以词著称于世.

毛泽东一贯主张诗言志,还用诗是否言志作为评价诗人和诗作的重要标准."诗言志"是中国诗学理论的奠基石.对"志"的不同理解构成我国不同历史时代的诗歌 理论的核心内容."言志"说、"缘情"说和"情志统一"说就构成为我国诗歌的几种基本倾向.毛泽东对"志"的理解是宽泛的."诗言志"使毛泽东诗词具有深 刻丰厚的内容,正如诗人本人的胸怀一样--精深博大,天地万物之精灵融入其中.

"诗言志"与"诗缘情"是中国古代两个重要的诗歌理论.但无论是言志说还是缘情说,都只是对诗歌的片面认识,只有将二者结合起来,才能算是较为完整的诗 论.但二者的关系却并非是平行的、对等的,即二者的统一性并不在于它们从不同的方面揭示了诗歌的本质,而是因为它们在纵深向上,在不同的层面上揭示了诗歌 的产生及其本质.对于诗歌的产生而言,言志说揭示了其充分条件,缘情说则指出了其必要条件.而对于诗歌的本质而言,从言志说到缘情说,是人们对诗歌本质认 识的一种深化.符合人们认识事物从流到源、由表及里的一般规律.

儒家诗教说对后世的创作和文艺批评有着深刻的影响."诗言志"、"诗缘情"、"前刺说",历代文人、批评家、统治者各取所需,赋予这种诗教说诸多禁锢并淋 漓尽致地发挥它的社会教化功能,"兴观群怨"是诗歌社会功能的全面总结.现代文人、批评家应赋予这种诗教说以新的内涵和意义,任何文学,包括诗歌,其创作 及文艺批评应遵循的原则是尚真崇厚,"言志"、"缘情"融为一体,知人论世.

"诗言志"是中国诗歌的优良传统,也是毛泽东最基本的诗歌观念.毛泽东认为"诗要用形象思维",而"比"、"兴"与"赋"则是形象思维最主要的表达形式, 深刻地揭示了诗歌创作的特殊规律."诗当然应以新诗为主体,旧诗可以写一些",摆正了新诗和旧诗的地位和关系,把"五四"以来新旧两种诗体从历史性的对立 引向了现实的协调发展,对中国诗坛产生了深远的影响.

Mao Zedong as a poet

Mao Zedong (1893-1976)

Chinese political leader, poet and statesman, founder of People's Republic of China. Mao Zedong's ideas varied between flexible pragmatism and utopian visions, exemplified in the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. His literary production contains mainly speeches, essays and poems. Mao published some 40 poems written in classical tradition with political message. Worshiped by millions, Mao is also considered one of the 20th century most brutal dictators. It has been estimated that he was responsile for well over 70 million deaths.

At bluegreen twilight I see the rough pines
serene under the rioting clouds.
The cave of the gods was born in heaven,
a vast wind-ray beauty on the dangerous peak.
(1961, Written on a Photograph of the Cave of the Gods)

As a poet Mao continued the tradition, in which educated people composed poetry simply as an accomplishment. His texts showed talent, and he did not use the most banal idioms familiar from the works of Communist writers of his own generation. However, it is possible that Mao did not write all the texts credited to him. In his early works, Mao showed the influence of Tang (618-907) and Sung (960-1127) poets. On his walk across the Middle Kingdom, he recorded its modern history and used the mystical past to to illuminate the present. In several poems he depicted the first battles of the peasant army and national events. After 1949 the poems became more meditative.

Mao was born in the village of Shaoshan in the Hunan Province of China. At the age of six he began to work on his parents' farm. His father, Mao Jen-sheng, was a peasant farmer, who beat his sons regularly. Mao's mother, Wen Chi-mei, was a devout Buddhist. After graduating from a teacher's training in Changsha, Mao continued his studies at the University of Beijing, where he worked as an assistant at the library. Under the influence of Li Dazhao and Chen Duxiu, China's first major Marxist figures, Mao turned to Marxism. In 1921 Mao became a founding member of the Chinese Communist Party. During Bertrand Russell's visit to Hunan, he argued for the legitimacy of seizing power by force against Russell's reformist views. In the 1920s he concentrated on political work in his native Province and Jianxi Province. His highly pragmatic strategy was one of the main influences on Fidel Castro, when in 1959 he was able to take over Cuba with Che Guevara.

"The people are like water and the army is like fish," Mao wrote in Aspects of China's Anti-Japanese Struggle (1948). He recognized the revolutionary potential of the peasantry. Marx and Lenin had seen in their urban doctrine the working class as the leading revolutionary force. However, when first articulated, Mao's views were rejected by the Party in favor of orthodox policy. Mao himself was also an exception to the rule: he was one of only three peasants to gain control of his country throughout its long history - the others were the founders of the Han and Ming dynasties.

Mountain.
Peaks pierce the green sky, unblunted.
The sky would fall
but for the columns of mountains.
(1934-35)

Under Comitern policy of cooperating with the Nationalists, Mao held important posts with the Guomingdang. Following the Guomindang massacre of Communist in 1927, Mao established a base in Jiangxi Province. There he directed his first major purge against dissidents.

Mao's fourth wife Chiang Ch'ing (1914-1991) was an actor. She gained first fame in Shanghai among others in Ibsen's play A Doll's House. In 1933 she joined the Communist Party, meeting Mao in Yenan and marrying him. Mao was more than twenty years older than she and had eight children. During Cultural Revolution she became an enormous force, but after Mao's death she was imprisoned with her three radical associates Wang Hongwen, Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan. The group was called the Gang of Four. It is told, that on the day of their arrest every wine shop in Beijing was sold out of alcohol. Chiang Ch'ing committed suicide in 1991.

After the break with the Nationalist Party, Mao started the guerrilla tactics, stating later that "political power grows out of the barrel of a gun." In 1934 the Nationalist government destroyed the Jiangxi Soviet, and the Communist forces started the legendary retreat and the Long March, an anabasis of 6,000 miles which has been compared to the march of Alexander the Great. In 1935 Mao's political power increased when he was elected Chairman of the Politburo. Mao's rural based guerrilla warfare led to the fall of the government. To fund the Red Army, Mao grew opium.

During World War II Mao did not fight the Japanese, but planned to divide China with Japan. The new People's Republic of China was proclaimed in 1949. The Communists were headed by Mao, who gained the upper hand over his Russian-backed adversaries. In 1949 Mao met Stalin, but after Nikita Khrushchev in his famous speech denounced Stalinism in 1956, China broke with Moscow. Stalin held Mao's son Anying hostage for for years. The "thaw" period in the Soviet Union (1955-64) was noted also in China and in 1956 Mao launched the slogan "let a hundred flowers bloom".

Mao's prestige was reinforced by his "Thought." He labelled the ideas of his opponents as "mechanical" or "dogmatic." "Be resourceful, look at all sides of a problem, test ideas by experiment, and work hard for the common good," Mao said. The basis of his ideology was Marxism-Leninism, but he adapted it to Chinese conditions, and partly he followed such CCP's theoreticians as Chen Boda and Ai Siqi. The support of the Communists among intellectuals also was rising. Zhang Dongsun, who was the most perceptive philosopher of the modern China, saw that Communists were China's only practical way out.

In his 'Talks at the Yan'an Forum on Literature and Art' (1942, Tsai Yenan wen-i tso-t'an hui shang it chiang-hua) Mao issued a set of perspective guidelines for literature, in which he emphasized the status folk tradition and oral and performing literature. The novel of land reform were followed by novels on agricultural collectivization, the central theme of art at that time. Novelists also praised the Party, the revolution, and the people. Some writers dealt with the heroism of soldiers during the Korean war. In 1958 Mao started the "Great Leap Forward", industrial and agricultural program, which did not have the success he expected. He urged to construct backyard steel furnaces to gain the Western steel production. This unrealistic project was not without a certain good will, although results were tragic: about 30 million people died in the famine, when ill-trained peasants were forced to carry out the gigantic industrialization plan.

Following the disaster of the "Great Leap Forward", a new series of novels on communization appeared by authors with peasant backgrounds, among them Liu Quing and Hao Ran. The reading public was more drawn to a wave of historical novels celebrating the history of the communist revolution. Most notable were Luo Guangbin's and Yang Yiyan's works. Nevertheless, none of the new novels of socialist realism proved sufficiently politically correct to survive the censorship during the power struggle of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.

By 1965 Mao feared that he was losing control. He appealed to the populace against the Party apparatus and consolidated again his power by the Cultural Revolution. Red Guards were formed in 1966 and sent into the countryside to force bureaucrats, professors, technicians, intellectuals, and other nonpeasants into rural work. In the vengeful outburst of hatred and ignorance, tens of thousands were murdered or forced to give up their jobs, and China's economy suffered. "A revolution is not the same as inviting people to dinner, or writing as essay, or painting a picture... A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another." Mao had said (from Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, 1965) The publishing of new books and the introduction of new ideas virtually stopped. Except for the works of the deceased Lu Xun, all modern works were banned. From 1966 for the following six years publication of art journals was suspended. Art schools were closed and artists disbanded. Large numbers of old temples and monuments were smashed or vandalized. In the end, the disorder was so bad that the army was called in to repress the Red Guards and other fractions. After the chaos, Mao decided open doors to the West. China's Relationship with the United States were strained, but in 1972 President Richard Nixon journeyed to China, and broke the ice. All practical negotiations were handled by Zhou Enlai and Henry Kissinger; at the meeting with Nixon, Mao kept the discussion on a fairly abstract level.

According to Mao's personal physician Zhisui Li (in The Private Life of Chairman Mao), the leader of China used heavily barbiturates although otherwise he was in excellent health. Later in life Mao developed paranoia; Li Zhisui mentions also Mao's aversion to bathing. His personal life became secretive and in many ways morally corrupt. Lin Biao, who was designated by Mao as his successor, died under mysterious circumstances in 1969. After Lin's fall, the prime minister Zhou Enlai was a moderator between the opposing camps of Liu Shaoqi and Mao. Zhou died in 1975, and the leadership of the moderates was taken over by Deng Xiaoping. Mao's death in 1976 broke his wife's hold on power. Mao had smoked cigarettes his whole life, and he had also suffered from bronchitis, pneumonia, and emphysema. Aaccording to some sources, Mao's last words were: "I feel ill; call the doctors."

Mao's ”The Little red Book” or Mao Zedong on People's War (1967) became in the 1960s the ultimate authority for political correctness. It was carried about by millions during "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution" of 1968. The plastic-bound work, edited by the minister of defense, Lin Piao, consisted of quotations from several Mao's writings, among them Significance of Agrarian Reforms in China, Strategic Problems of China's Revolutionary War, On the Rectification of Incorrect Ideas in the Party, A Single Spark Can Start a Prairie Fire, On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People. Another compendium, also edited by Lin Piao, was entitled Long Live Mao Tse-Tung Thought.

Mao's conception of democracy was based on the leading role of the Communist party. Its the tightly disciplined organization would lead the masses. He was hostile to Confucianism, which he saw as the central ideology of China's past. Later in his career "The Great Helmsman" compared himself with Chin Shih-huang, the first Emperor, who unified China in 221 B.C.

For the most part, Mao's own philosophical work in the 1930s was summaries of Soviet texts. Two essays, 'On practice' and 'On contradiction' were printed in revised form in 1950 and 1952. These works were studied and emulated throughout China. Like Lenin, Mao made a distinction between antagonist and non-antagonist contradictions, but Mao's thought was partly derived from the Chinese system of yin and yang. He stated that contradictions would continue to arise in society even after socialist revolution. With this claim he supported his doctrine of permanent revolution, which was earlier launched by Trotsky. His success in guerrilla warfare led him to declare in 1947, that "the atom bomb is a paper tiger".

Mao's thoughts were also popular among Western intellectuals and radicals, who opposed "Soviet revisionism." American journalist E.P. Snow made Chinese Communist movement known already in the 1930s with his book Red Star Over China (1937). Snow's personal relationships with the leaders of China continued decades. He was granted permission travel in 1960 around the country. In his book The Other Side of the River Snow failed to report of China's 1959-61 famine, possibly the worst in history. Much of the grain which was produced in China during this period was traded for the Soviet weapons-technology. However, Mao's popularity has been enduring even after his death.

For further reading: Mao: The Unknown Story by Jung Chang and Jon Halliday (2005); Chinese Marxism by Adrian Chan (2003); Children's Literature in China: From Lu Xun to Mao Zedong by Mary Ann Farquhar (1999); Mao Zedong by Jonathan D. Spence (1999); China's Road to Disaster by Frederick C. Teiwes and Warren Sun (1998); The 100 Most Influential Books Ever Written by Martin Seymour-Smith (1998); Battling Western Imperialism: Mao, Stalin, and the United States by Michael M. Sheng (1998); Hungry Ghosts: Mao's Secret Famine by Jasper Becker (1997); The Private Life of Chairman Mao by Zhisui Li (1996, paperback); Mao Zedong by Rebecca Stefoff (1996, for young adults); No Tears for Mao by Niu-Niu et al (1995); Burying Mao by Richard Baum (1994); China Without Mao by Immanuel C.Y. Hsu (1990); The Thought of Mao Tse-Tung by Stuart Schram (1989, paperback); Inheriting Tradition by K. Louie (1986); Marxism, Maoism, and Utopianism by Maurice J. Meisner (1982); Chinese Thought, From Confucius to Mao Ts-E-Tung by Herrlee Glessner Glee (1971, paperback); Red Star over China by E.P. Snow (1937, rev. ed. 1968) - See also: Mao Tun - Suom.: Maolta on julkaistu runosuomennoksia antologiassa Itä on punainen. Muita käännöksiä: Mao Tse-tung; Runot (suom. Pertti Nieminen), essee- ja puhekokoelma Teoksia 1-2, Otteita puhemies Mao Tse-tungin teoksista, ”Punainen kirja” (1967)

Selected works:

• Dialectical Materialism (Lecture Notes), Dalian: Dazhong Bookshop (n.d.)
• A Report of an Investigation into the Peasant Movement of Hunan, 1927
• Wind Sand Poems (written in the 1930s, published years later)
• MAO TSÊ-TUNG HSYAN-CHI, 1956
• Comrade Mao Zedong on Marxist Philosophy (Extracts), 1960
• Mao Zedong's Philosophical Thought, 1960
• Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, 1960-65, 1977 (5 vols.)
• MAO CHU-HSI SHIH-TZ'U, 1963
• ”The Little Red Book”, 1964 (first version)
• MAO CHU-HSI YULU, 1966
• Quotations From Chairman Mao, 1966
• Selected Readings, 1967
• Selected Readings of Mao Zedong's Writings, 1968 (2 vols.)
• Supplement to Quotations from Chairman Mao, 1969
• The Poems of Mao Tse-tung, 1972 (transl. by Willis Barnstone)
• The Writings of Mao Zedong, 1949-1976, 1986 (Mao Zedong et al)
• Mao Zedong's Collected Annotations on Philosophy, 1988

批毛仍是關鍵的關鍵

中國民主憲政與否？批毛仍是關鍵的關鍵

--雲南大理市五七老人與鐵流座談研討側記

作者 : 後永年
打印此文 告訴好友
2009-12-09
1:00 AM

今年11日6日至7日，雲南省近20位右派老人，借北京鐵流先生來滇東南旅游的機會，在雲南大理市宏樣酒店舉行了為時兩天的研討座談會，他們是昭通的李曰垓、趙正榮、胡開雲；開遠的趙維光、劉孟懿、姚孔亮，以及大理的甦曼中、應皎、後永年等。

座談會由大理市名律師後永年老人主持。他是中共老黨員、老公安，也是一個“從不認罪”的老右派分子。

研討的主要內容，就當前中國政治態勢和右派徹底“平反”與“賠索”問題廣泛地進行了交換意見。

鐵流在座談會上作了中心發言，他認為中國當前存在著四種政治力量，它們在進行彼長此消的博弈。一種是主流力量，亦即中共的執政力量。他們為了執政的合法性與政治需要，因而肯定解放60年一貫“英明正確”，仍堅持錯誤的“毛澤東思想”乃是治國理念，因而封殺歷史，強迫遺忘，不進行政治體制改革，致使建國後30年的“改革開放”出現許多怪異，諸如官商勾結、權錢交易、分配不公、貧富懸殊，以及黑惡勢力猖獗，一些地方各自為政等五花八門的怪圈。他們明知不為，可又不得不為之。進退維谷，舉措失當，這是中國當前難以解決的悖論

第二種力量，是極端民主派。他們既否定前30年毛澤東暴政所造下的種種惡果，也否定後30年 “改革開放”所取得的經濟成就，不分好壞地主張推倒重來，甚而提倡“仇富就是愛國”，的“暴力革命”，惟恐天下不亂，這是一種十分有害的思潮。我們必須堅決反對！中國不能再亂，只能走循序漸進的“和平過度”的憲政民主之路。用謝韜老人的話說，就是“不能等，要推、要促”。今天的座談會就是“推”、就是“促 ”。我們一定要記住“興，百姓苦；亡，百姓苦”，這條古訓。

第三種力量，就是肯定毛澤東執政的前30年，否定鄧小平開創、由胡耀邦、趙紫陽提倡推動的後30年的“改革開放”。他們認為毛澤東時代是最理想、最公平的時代，提出重啟“階級斗爭”，為“‘四人幫’平反”，要打倒現在執政的“腐敗政府”，甚而提出“重上井崗山”，主張“第二次革命”，公然成立“毛澤東主義共產黨”。我們稱它為“極左派”或叫“不死的毛派”。當前這種極左的毛派勢力十分可怕，在野的野心家用它來奪權，糊涂的政治家用它來穩定形勢，一般忘記苦難對現實不滿的老百姓用它來發泄。再加上當今執政的中共封殺歷史，掩蓋了毛澤東反人民、反進步的滔天罪惡，不敢也不願擯棄禍國殃民的“毛澤東思想”，致使“改革開放”至今未取得“話語權”，現在的問題已不是“打左燈向右轉”，而巳是“打左燈向左轉” 了。如果長此以往地發展下去，中國人民又將回到“三人穿一條褲子”、“喝大鍋清水湯”、“人相食”的悲慘年代。所以批判揭露毛澤東的罪惡刻不容緩！是當今中國和世界的一件政治大事！馬虎不得，麻痹不得，大家要有覺夠的警惕性。所以我一再強調，不批毛中國沒有光明前途！

第四種力量，是徹底否定前30年，基本肯定和支持後30年，亦稱體制內的民主改革派，我和在座的諸位就屬于這種類型的人。我們嚴守中華人民共和國憲法，承認中國共產黨是中華人民共和國現階段的執政黨。但我們堅決反對毛澤東倒行逆施的暴行，堅決反對“階級和階級斗爭”不把人當人看的罪惡，堅決主張國家在發展經濟的同時要啟動政革，堅決主張中國要循序漸進地實行憲政民主政治，堅決主張開放言禁，準許民間辦報，支持在法律框架內的一切維權行為。但是這種力量和具有這種思潮的人，為三方都不喜歡，表現在當權者（執政者）極力打壓，處處設防進行監控；極端民主派認為“沒有骨氣”，“死不覺悟”，“向統治者獻媚討好”；極左的毛派勢力更視之為心腹敵人，恨不殺之而快。但我們絕不轉向，絕不跟著任何勢力起舞。我們能做的就是借向一切機會表達意願，發出聲音，在任何時間、地點、場合說真話、說實話，絕不向任何惡勢力屈服，對中國的民主憲政之路要有充分的信心！我們不能絕望，也不要奢望，一定要有希望！

中國當前正在掀起一個新啟蒙運動，這個運動的核心價值就是批毛揭毛，重塑人生價值，把毛澤東顛倒了的是非、真偽、美丑、善惡，重新顛倒過來，還歷史以真相。我們都是年逾古稀的老人，是30年毛澤東暴政的受害人和見證者，一定要把歷史留下來，告訴後人，告訴子孫，中國不能再走回頭路！所以我們北京一批右派老人冒著風險，出資出力堅持辦《往事微痕》，目的就是推動批毛。

現在全國活著的右派分子已不多了，隨著時間的推移因會越來越少，再十年後可能這只是個名詞留在歷史上了。為此在這個不多的歲月里，我們一定要堅持抗爭，一要向中共討還二十年的拖欠工資，二是按有關法律要求經濟賠償，三要徹底否定反右，去掉所謂“擴大化”之詞。能不能徹底否定反右，關鍵是能不能批毛。“反右斗爭”是中國民政的一個死結，看來這個死結很難解開。一定要有“愚公移山”的精神，“精衛填海”的決心，否則中國難以前進！

圖為參加雲南大理座談研討會的部份五七老人

參會的人基本上同意鐵流先生的觀點，經過兩天的座談和研討就以下幾個問題取得了一致性的意見︰

一、基本肯定建國後三十年的經濟成果，支持改革開放，支持胡溫政權的“以人為本”與“構建和諧社會”。

大家認為︰僅管改革開放以來有許多不盡人意之處，特別是政治體制改革滯後，但總的說來成果是顯著的。表現在︰

1、從對毛澤東個人迷信的束傅中解放出來，重倡實事求是” 的思想路線，堅持“實踐是檢驗真理的唯一標準” ，否定毛“以階級斗爭為綱” 、“繼續革命” 的理論、否定文革，平反了歷次政治運動毛制造的大量的冤、假、錯案，恢復被毛推翻的“八大” 對社會矛盾的判斷，發展才是硬道理，把工作重心轉移到經濟建設上來。中華億萬兒女，民心所向；

2、從毛澤東 “一大二公” 的絕對公有制的束縛中解放出來。在農村取消人民公社，實行家庭承包聯產責任制，把土地經營權還給農民；在城市取消五花八門的“公私合營” ；甩掉年年虧損靠財政“輸血” 過日子的國有企業的包袱，支持民營企業發展；

3、從毛澤東計劃經濟的束縛中解放出來，實行社會主義市場經濟；

4、從毛澤東閉關自守，仇視資本主義國家的束縛中解放出來，與國際接軌；與資本主義國家廣泛地建立了經濟貿易關系；

5、從毛澤東以權為本的束縛中解放出來，確立以人為本的執政理念，僅管這個理念貫徹執行得不夠不徹底，但總在艱難行進；

6、從毛澤東不惜以人的生命和自然生態為代價，“人有多大膽，地有多大產” 自欺欺人的主觀唯心主義的束縛中解放出來，確立全面、協調、可持續發展的科學發展觀；

7，從毛澤東講話治國、社論治國、“最高指示” 治國的束縛中解放出來，開始實行以法治國，雖然黨仍總攬一切，但法治深入人心；

8、從毛澤東民主是手段的束縛中解放出來，確立民主是目的的理念，故然民主不為一些權貴們所接受，至少他們不敢公然反對民主；

9、從毛澤東“與人斗其樂無窮” 的束縛中解放出來，提倡尊重人權、樹立社會主義道德觀，構建和諧社會。現實社會還不和諧，原因是毛的陰魂還在作崇；

10、從毛澤東“知識越多越反動” 的束縛中解放出來，確認“知識是第一生產力” ，尊重科學、尊重知識、尊重知識分子。現實告訴我們︰沒有9月9日的毛澤東壽終龍座，（注）就沒有9月10日的教師節。

事實告訴世界，後三十年改革開放的結果，中國的生產力發展了；綜合國力增強了；人民生活水平大大地提高了。這是鋼澆鐵鑄的事實，我們想，今天把毛澤東神旗舉得最高最高的黨內外毛派代表人物，也不得不承認吧！

是的，而今確實存在貧富懸殊的問題。大家深信這個問題將會在繼續深化改革中得到解決，不必大驚小怪。但不能不承認而今的中國，不論是在城市和鄉村，最貧窮的那一家人也要比毛澤東統治下最富裕的那一家人要富裕。一位八十高齡的老農說得好，他說︰“當年大躍進時反瞞產，民兵提著槍到我家來反，把我家僅有的用來摻野菜作主食的50斤大米，70斤包谷面都全部當余糧‘反’走了，結果，我爹我媽因沒有糧食吃，害了水腫病死了。我也一腫一消，僥幸活下來了，有的是一家死絕，劍川縣金華鎮死得來尸都沒有人收。兩代領導兩重天，現在我家的糧食吃不完，人飽，豬飽，牲囗飽，還免了公糧，娃娃上學免學費，生病有合作醫療給補助。從皇帝到主席到總書記，哪一代王朝有過這樣的好事？比起來，今天確實比老毛一個人既當家又做主的時期好過，若果我爹我媽處在今天絕對不會死。”

多真實的事，多樸實的話，誰要否定後三十年，這位老農不答應！我們這些七老八十的五七人也不答應！！全國人民更不答應！！！所以，我們要全力支持改革開放，義不容辭。

二、當今的危險來自“極左”的毛派勢力

大家共同認為，近年來“極左” 思潮甚囂塵上，幾乎形成了一股勢力。他們把矛頭直指以胡錦濤為首的黨中央、直指中國的市場的社會主義的制度，直指現政權。他們徹底否定後三十年改革開放的成果，公開提出了“打倒修正主義叛徒集團” ！“打倒資產階級賣國賊” ！ 的囗號。其目的在于顛覆現政府，推翻現社會主義制度。他們的觀點歸納起來有下面這些︰

1、肯定無產階阋揤鶠@蟾錈**Ｋ**僑餃　**ldquo;毛主席英明，看穿了劉少奇、鄧小平是中國的赫魯曉夫，為防修、反修發動了文革。實踐正明，鄧小平上台黨就變修，國家就資本主義復闢，工人下崗，農民失去了土地，又吃二遍苦，又受二茬罪。文化大革命就是好。”；

2、為“四人幫” 招魂。他們說︰“一九六七年十月赫魯曉夫式的人物沒有等到把毛主席的葬禮進行完畢，就發動了軍事政變，把真正共產黨、毛澤東的共產黨從組織上打散了，全國所有真正的共產黨人成了散兵游勇，修正主義上台，黨變質了。”；

3、攻擊黨的十一屆三中全會的決議及黨的十二大，攻擊現在執政的黨中央。他們說︰“劉少奇、鄧小平資產階級司令部成了一貫正確的“黨中央” ，封建的、資產階級的、修正主義的沒落思想，腐朽文化成了“新時代” 的“新時尚” 。昔日被人民群眾專政的牛、鬼、蛇、神，一夜之間就翻了天。大革命中被批判的走資派和各個部門的資產階級代表人物，佔據了掌權和支配的地位。共產黨的思想路線和政治路線也被日甚一日的西化、自由化、資產階級化。毛澤東同志所預料的那種“多幺危險的情景” 成了人所共睹的現實“。

還說︰“現在披著共產黨外衣的資產階級執政黨是假共產黨，是真共產黨的死對頭”。“ 它們能夠犧牲工人階級的利益去培育了一萬個資本家，這還能證明它是個無產階級的黨嗎？”

他們否定後三十年的言論還很多很多，如“‘以人為本’ 不具有階級性，認敵為友” 、“‘和諧社會’ 否定了兩個階級，兩條路線的階級斗爭” 、“ 黨和國家的形式沒變，實質已經腐敗變質了” 、“改革讓中國得到一顆糖，毀掉的卻是中國的房” 、“ 改革前窮是窮一點，但大家都一樣，開門不怕盜，出門不怕搶，不怕生病，不怕上學，不擔心失業，一個工人、農民養七八囗人司空見慣。……而今兩極分化，心里不平衡，關門怕盜，出門怕搶，怕生病，怕上學，怕失業，一個勞動力養三四個人都非常困難” 、“現在中國的尊嚴喪失殆盡，連說一提氣話的底氣都沒有，一副低眉順眼的儒夫相。國內土地要出讓，周邊領土被蠶食，中國人的生存空間萎縮，國家前途令人擔憂” 、“ 現在的法治不如毛主席的人治”…… 等等等等，多了，在此不一一枚舉。

因此，他們宣誓︰“生與毛主席心相連，死與毛主席魂相系，生生不息，亙古不滅” 。 他們要成立“毛澤東主義中國共產黨” 以重慶為根據地，高斎J　蠖　枷　衿歟　　　詼**撾幕　蟾錈**　品　**ldquo;假共產黨” ，打倒現“腐敗政府” ，把失去的權力奪回來，按毛澤東階級、階級斗爭、繼續革命、暴力奪取政權鞏固政權、無產階級專政、一大二公、計劃經濟，自力更生不向資本主義國家乞求的思想和政治路線，把文化大革命進行到底，確保中國共產黨是毛澤東的黨，永不變質，確保毛澤東創建的社會主義制度永不變色。他們在黨內的代理人仍是反對言論自由，反對開放報禁，仍然堅持“輿論一律”。

大家共同認為︰這就是當前最危險的勢力，一朝得逞，後果不勘設想。

三、憂慮和責任

憂慮︰ 何謂解放思想？解放和束縛是一對矛盾的兩個方面，沒有束縛就沒有解放。誰束縛了我們使我們需要解放？答案非常明確，就是毛澤東一人獨裁的帝王思想和反科學的烏托邦理論束縛了我們。

解放思想，就是要從毛澤東帝王思想和烏托邦理論的束縛中解放出來。

何謂改革？改革是自我革命。革誰的命？答案也十分明確，就是革建國以來毛澤東的罪惡思想、理論和錯誤路線的命。

我們之憂慮在于︰實踐證明，後三十年的改革成果，都是批判毛澤東建國以來錯誤思想、理論和錯誤路線的結果。但又不願去戳破這張窗紙，在囗頭上還要永遠銘記毛澤東的“一化三改造” 建成的斯大林模式的社會主義制度和“三面紅旗” 的社會主義建設的“偉大成就。”若果此論成立，則改革開放就成了多余。就是這一言和行的自相矛盾，給左派勢力有機可趁。若果對此矛盾曖昧而使之持續，則大有第二次文化大革命的可能。此非危言而是現實。我們的憂慮就在于此。

責任︰ 大家共同認為，我們都是建國六十年歷史的當事人，人雖老了但肩有責任。這責任是來自良心，來自正義、來自公平，來自願後人不患水腫病，來自願子孫和子孫的子孫不再遭“囗戕囗” 的屠戮，來自呼喚九十年前的“五、四” 的“德” 、“賽” 二先生。集中而言，叫做“歷史責任” 。這個責任要求我門︰

1、支持改革，支持胡溫政權正確的做法。當務急中之急是深入公開批判建國以來毛澤東的錯誤思想和理論，為繼續解放思想鳴鑼開道。

2、批判要實在，不能言之無物。應當本著“實事求是” 的思想路線，把握住“實踐是檢驗真理的唯一標準” ，撕棄人為的歷史的面紗，把一樁樁真實，經得起檢驗的歷史事實，原湯原汁地告訴後人，讓後人從這些活生生、血淋淋的事實里，看煾毛澤東“念念不忘” 、“革命不是請客吃飯” 及名曰“無產階級專政” 實為毛澤東一人獨裁的暴行，及其給社會帶來的災難。以史為鑒，一朝執政，切莫步其後塵。

3、就批毛的合法性大家注意到了兩點︰

（1）、黨規的合法性。 鄧小平說︰對毛主席的政治品質的評價留給後人來做。就年齡而言，鄧小平是我們的父輩，我們是他那個年齡段的後人，鄧小平把對毛的評價的權利賦予了我們。以鄧小平理論為指導，我們批毛具有黨規的合法性。

（2）、法律的合法性。 批毛屬于言論的行為。《憲法》第三十五條賦予了公民有言論的自由，依法治國，我們批毛具有了法律的合法性。

但是，改革是摸著石頭過河，現在處于邊摸邊過的階段。毛澤東反手為雲，覆手為雨、朝令夕改，陰陽謀並舉、專橫獨斷，目無法紀、不講誠信、喪失政治倫理的陰影尚未完全消失。黨規、國法都可以由執政者（含村黨小組長）根據需要作出解釋，他的解釋的效力在實際上大于黨規和法律。歷史證明，上百萬冤假錯案都平反了，但沒有誰來承旧責任，這一客觀存在的聿實，在客觀上助長了任意解釋者的膽大妄為。

從這個現實出發，我們不能不考慮到下面兩個可能︰

（1）、你說鄧小平允許批毛、他說你反對“永遠銘記” 。永遠銘記是寫在黨的報告里的，反對永遠銘記就是反黨。他手中有權，他的解釋在實際上具有法律效力，你奈他何？

（2）你說︰憲法賦予你言論自由的權利，他說，憲法算老幾？“三個至上” 憲法算老三，得服從黨的利益。你批毛有損黨的偉光正，觸法無疑。他手中有權，他的解釋在實際上比法律還法律，你又其奈他何？

居于以上兩點，批毛是要擔風險的，當局隨時可以指控你觸犯《刑法》第一百零五條第二款之規定，構成涉嫌“煽動顛覆國家政權罪” 逮捕入獄。。史有前例，這個可能性是存在的，不能回避

面對這個現實，大家認為︰

（1）、牢獄之災與歷史責任相比，後者為重。取後者，堅定不移。

（2）、因說話做牢非恥乃榮，坐牢也是中國前進中的一道風景線，一個歷史事實，留下來，對後人也是一筆財富，何樂而不為？

（3）、“馬在跑” 、“碎不彎” 不理他，走自已的路，九死不悔，這就是結論。

最後大家認為，《往事微痕》是我們之間內部思想交流的平台，是我們還能夠說話的地方，雖然空間不大，但畢竟在960萬平方公里的廣袤的土地上，還有1個平方公尺的說話之地。我們要珍惜她，不管有千難萬險，一定要支持她辦下去。否則我們說話的地方都沒有了。

交談于11月7日晚23時結束。次日鐵流赴騰沖旅游。大家送他上車後在後永年的陪同下，游覽了佛都崇聖寺。下午4時覽畢返程。

眾老友走後，後永年乘公交車到凡是這次老友足跡留下的地方調腙丑蛂@**　廡┐胤降娜嗣癜簿永忠怠⑸緇嵐捕ㄓ行頡　揮寫抵逑鹿亍　罄砟酥鏈罄碇蕁　頗鮮〉惱獬卮核　　揮鋅吹接吧喂**頁ぶ尉冒駁娜魏魏奐！Ｓ謔牽　冒鴣　唬**ldquo;平安無事颁@**rdquo;

二00九年十一月九日

注︰毛是死在床上，應用“龍榻” 一詞，但因其至死不放權，故改用 “龍座” 。

古鏡: 評毛澤東

【大紀元9月10日訊】余身邊之崇拜毛澤東者遍佈各個階層，有的甚至曾被它搞的家破人亡，此真乃人類社會最不可思議之心理奇觀。每念及此常有一種深沉的悲涼感，人性之顛倒、善惡之錯位何以至此！這個給中華民族、給整個人類帶來深重苦難的惡魔雖已下地獄三十餘載，但至今仍陰魂不散，籠罩在這一片國土之上。給我們這個中了邪一般的民族憑添了幾份沉重與恥辱！

古今魔王真不少，荼毒天下卷狂飆。
中外邪首誰最狠，登峰造極只屬毛。
本是山中一匪酋，打家劫舍綁黑票。
勾結日俄篡國柄，陷我中華入魔爪。
一朝得志掀惡浪，神州大地變陰牢。
三十年間為禍烈，生靈塗炭鬼夜嚎。
蒼黃反覆似小丑，指鹿為馬勝趙高。
荒淫無度敗人倫，殺人如麻孽難消。
自我神化紅太陽，照到哪裏哪裏糟。
古今中外誰堪比，青史以來第一妖。
殺人理論樣樣齊，群體滅絕手段刁。
剖腹挖心只小菜，血流成河遍紅朝。
妖言惑眾倒乾坤，黑話魔咒築心牢。
屠滅百家毀傳統，獨尊馬列人性拋。
糧食國土送他人，國際舞台逞陰豪。
餓死人民三千萬，換來兩彈邪焰高。
流氓成性弄權術，翻雲覆雨耍毒招。
億萬民脂供淫樂，信口雌黃賣風騷。
一夜搶盡國民財，兇殘何止勝巨盜。
強迫百姓買語錄，稿費千萬揣兜笑。
全國折騰年復年，山河凋零市蕭條。
哀鴻一片殘陽裡，中南海中樂逍遙。
發動文革煽腥雨，十年浩劫血漂搖。
中原伏屍七百萬，禮樂文化徹底凋。
治國安邦無一通，整人洗腦一套套。
斗人斗地妄斗天，一朝完完惹人笑。
陰魂不散附國門，罄竹難書罪滔滔。
揭開畫皮十毒全，餘孽猶在劫難逃。
我勸世人睜眼看，莫讓黨邪迷心竅。
與魔同行向何方？崇拜強權前程渺。
春秋大義今猶在，敬神事天為人道。
世事滄桑變幻多，良知善念永是寶。